Friday, 4 January 2013

The myth of how the hijab protects women against sexual assault


I was only 6 years old when my family was forced to flee the civil war in Afghanistan for Pakistan in the late 1980s. My sister, Neelo, who is five years older than me, was enrolled in a Saudi-funded Muslim Brotherhood-inspired public school for Afghan refugees. She, like many Muslim women, wore a simple headscarf.
I remember Neelo picking up her tiny bag, wrapping her scarf around her hair, and going to her first day of school. I also sadly remember her coming back from school that day and telling our parents: “The guards told me, ‘Either you are going to wear the full hijab or wear a chador [an Afghan burqa], or you can't come to school.’” Her tiny headscarf was no longer enough.
The school she was going to was run by archconservatives.

Neelo was forced to wear the most restrictive form of the hijab—almost exactly like the woman in this image. Things were fine until the next year, when I started school myself. My mother sat me down and told me that from then on I would have to walk my sister to school every day.

I grew to hate it. Every school day, for years, as the two of us walked toward Neelo’s school, men would stare at her, sizing up her body behind the dark clothes, whispering to each other, making signs with their hands, making catcalls, taunting her, and saying things like how pretty she was—even though the only thing you could see on my sister's body were her eyes.

The men who passed us on sidewalks would say demeaning things—things sexual in nature that I was too young to understand. My mom and dad wanted me to walk her to school because if I wasn’t with her, who knew what these men would do? I grew up hearing stories about women being groped, punched, even abducted—all while wearing hijabs. The perpetrators were from all ethnic groups and were both Pakistanis and, like us, refugees.
The experience left me angry, helpless, and traumatized. We never talked about it. What she didn’t know was that I knew she was emotionally and psychologically hurt. I didn't need her to tell me she was not being protected by her hijab. The tears behind her veil were enough.
Those memories came back to haunt me on Tuesday, World Hijab Day. The day celebrates a Muslim woman's right to choose what she wants to wear. The headscarf and more restrictive forms of face and body coverings are widely known as the hijab; over the centuries, it has become a symbol of conservative Islam and, to some, even a defining characteristic of modest and pious Muslim women. While the practice isn't uniform in all countries, wearing the “conservative” hijab means completely covering all of a woman's hair and, in many places, even her face, with a veil, a pardah (a long, thin shawl covering the head and upper body, mostly worn in South Asia), a burqa (a sort of shawl, with a hood and built-in veil, worn in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India), or several other national variations thereof. No parts of a woman’s body except her face, hands, feet below the ankles, and, sometimes, neck are allowed to be seen, in conservative interpretations.

Great strides in women's rights over the past two centuries have allowed religious women to take some liberties in how they want to dress. Yet the dominant response to this by the mainstream conservative religious movement has been to separate the practice from its religious nature and to find reasons to justify not just its observance for piety's sake, but for supposed practical benefits.
I'll let an excerpt of an article by a writer named Sehmina Jaffer Chopra on the popular Muslim issues website Islam101.com explain what’s going on:
Another benefit of adorning the veil is that it is a protection for women. Muslims believe that when women display their beauty to everybody, they degrade themselves by becoming objects of sexual desire and become vulnerable to men, who look at them as “gratification for the sexual urge” (Nadvi, 8).
The Hijab makes them out as women belonging to the class of modest chaste women, so that transgressors and sensual men may recognize them as such and dare not tease them out of mischief (Nadvi, 20).
Hijab solves the problem of sexual harassment and unwanted sexual advances, which is so demeaning for women, when men get mixed signals and believe that women want their advances by the way they reveal their bodies. [Emphasis mine.]

That the hijab somehow protects women against sexual harassment and/or violence is by no means a minority view. Eminent Islamic clerics like Egypt’s Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi—widely considered a spiritual leader of the Muslim Brotherhood and much of Sunni Islamic thought—and Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei—the supreme religious and political authority in Iran and one of Shia Islam’s main sources of jurisprudence—have endorsed this view.
This is not just a false assertion that has no basis in fact; it is also a dangerous one. I know that for a fact because I saw Neelo's hijab fail to protect her for years.
I know this because I've seen, heard, or read multiple first-person accounts by victims of sexual harassment and sexualized violence who were wearing the hijab when they were attacked. The hijab cannot and will not stop men from assaulting women. Even if the only part of a woman's body that shows is her shadow, deviants will sexualize and fetishize it. Take the example of Egypt, where sexual harassment against women has become almost a pandemic—whether they wear the hijab or not.


This billboard in Tehran says: “Hijab Is Security.” (Omid 20)
The myth that there's a correlation between the hijab and a low incidence of sexual harassment and violence against women actually systematically victimizes them. Men are doing women a disservice in that they are placing blame on women who don’t cover themselves, as well as insinuating that a woman who is attacked while wearing a headscarf somehow did something to deserve it. As with all victim-blaming, this prevents women from speaking up about sexual assault. Many mainstream conservative Muslim clerics and pseudo-social scientists—like Zakir Naik, in this video, which is a must-see for anyone wanting to learn about this issue—openly imply or proclaim that women who don't wear the hijab are calling for sexual harassment and sexual violence. They go so far as correlating a woman's right to wear what she wants in the West with a high incidence of sexualized violence against women there.
They conveniently ignore all of the reports on how sexualized violence is underreported in many conservative Islamic societies because of its taboo nature and the stigma associated with it; they ignore the fact that sexualized violence leads to the honor killings of many of the women victims each year.
Perverts are perverts. They will sexually harass and commit sexual violence against women who wear the hijab or a miniskirt because they are perverts—not because women have exercised their right to wear what they want.
Continuing to perpetuate the myth of the magical hijab only makes the problem grow. It doesn't actually solve anything. For that, we need to be able to openly talk about this problem, raise awareness, educate people, draft laws against it, and have law enforcement agencies that actually act upon criminal complaints against men who carry out these crimes. If that had been in place in the 1980s, maybe Neelo—or the millions of other victims like her—wouldn't have had to endure the pain she lived with for years.
To wear or not to wear the hijab is a personal choice that must be protected. Many women who wear it choose to do so and take joy in their gesture of modesty and piety. This, however, is not about the hijab or women's choice. It's about pseudo-science and misogyny.
It's about the fact that women who wear the hijab are not any safer than women who don’t. It’s about the fact that there needs to be real protection for women in Islamic societies, at home, on the streets, and in the workplace—not just miracle garments.

Is media coverage of rape cases doing more harm than good?


Does the media tend to “overdo it” at times when reporting rape cases and inadvertently complicate matters or is its overenthusiastic approach necessary to bring the bane into the spotlight? The debate will rage on as more and more rape cases are reported in the country.

Some of the people directly dealing with rape cases believe that the hype created by the media makes their job harder and affects the survivors of the atrocity more than anyone else.

“Either the media doesn’t take up an issue, or it is an all-out battle to get the most television rating points or print space,” said Dr Kaleem Sheikh, a senior medico-legal officer (MLO) at the Jinnah Postgraduate Medical Centre (JPMC).

Giving an example, the MLO said once a girl’s family was hounded by a reporter to the extent that they had to change their contact numbers. “We suffered as a result, as she left the examination process midway, and we didn’t hear from her again,” he added.

He pointed out that in some cases, the name, age and even address of a rape survivor were clearly mentioned in a news story. “Given the kind of threats and backlash the families have to face in a society like ours, this can have dire consequences, where honour becomes a sensitive issue to deal with,” Dr Sheikh elaborated.

Sara Zaman of the War Against Rape (WAR) said she partially endorses this view as first the media is usually “insensitive” when it comes to reporting cases of sexual assault and secondly, the whole focus is on what happened and to whom, rather than pointing out the systemic issues that persistently block any progress on such issues.

“It ends up affecting the outcome of these cases rather than helping anyone,” she added.Explaining further, she gave the example of a 2010 rape case involving a JPMC nurse that went awry because it appeared as if the entire media had descended on the hospital.

“There were too many details about that case which popped out but no one wrote or spoke about it. The focus was more on whether the nurse was gang-raped or not instead of why a man with a dubious character was allowed to stay on hospital property for so long,” she noted.

But Zaman also thinks that the furore created by the media does bring the issue to the limelight, but “in a sporadic manner”, even though sexual assault cases lose steam after a while.On the other hand, a police official blames the poor investigation process as one of the reasons that “discourage” people from having rape cases registered.

Deputy Inspector General East Tahir Naveed said the recent case he had to deal with was that of a minor girl whose decapitated body was found near the limits of the Gulshan-e-Iqbal police station. “We die a bit every day when we have to face such cases. But what pains us more is that there is no quality investigation through which we can get to the culprits and punish them,” he added.

Explaining what basically affects the process, he said during his stint as a trainer a few years back, most of his officers confessed to him that they were reluctant to ask questions while investigating rape cases.

“They would rather prefer dealing with a bullet-riddled body than talking to a woman they feel shy speaking to. That’s the reason they act tough or insolent at times,” he candidly said, adding that the training of officers in this regard remained a “distant dream” as it was spoken about more than acted upon in reality.

Though the police continue to be blamed for everything that goes wrong, the medico-legal branch of investigation remains the most backward among all, with no proper staff or facilities to examine the swabs taken for medical examination after rape.

While the initial perception is the fear of police and the stigma attached to speaking about rape cases, a study by WAR indicates that 25 percent of rape cases are not pursued because “facts are misreported by the media or the family”.

In the last five months, the JPMC has received 26 rape cases to be examined at the hospital. MLOs believe the number to be three times more than what is being reported and referred to them.

“Rape is the only offence that is not compoundable,” said Dr Sheikh, “which makes it the most difficult of cases to deal with, as the accused party usually tries very hard to tamper with the evidence that could easily land them in prison for life.”

The latest positive development, the doctor said, is the DNA test facility that “solves the case within days now”.But the facility is available in Islamabad and blood samples and other swabs are sent there, taking a minimum of 12 days to complete the process.

Dr Sheikh said the Aga Khan Hospital is so far the only medical facility in Karachi where a DNA test can be conducted, but its management avoids getting involved in legal cases.Zaman said it all adds up to properly implementing the law. “We have superb laws regarding almost everything. But there is no efficacy. If that is taken seriously, then all this debate has a chance of not going useless.”